Soviet Union's Policy on Immigration Versus the Red-Libs of Today

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Gemini
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Soviet Union's Policy on Immigration Versus the Red-Libs of Today

Post by Gemini »

Western Communist's today take a nihilistic view toward the nation and immigration.
Insisting that we are actually "a one world government and imperialist states do not have a right to control migration". Their nihilism toward the nation is by conflating the nation with imperialism.

The highest stage of capitalism, imperialism, means the destruction of nations. But imperialised nations (through wars, economic sanctions, coups, assassinations and imperialist nations (through mass migration, dis-incentivising natal polices(glamourising "DINKs" for, sexual education, expanded abortion which is attack on working class, globally homogenised culture to the lowest common denominator and the great replacement).

What was Soviet policy toward migration?
Similarly, while many foreign observers are aware of the Soviet government’s restrictions on emigration, fewer have considered the significance of its restrictions on immigration, which further promoted the regime’s attempt to isolate the Soviet population from outside influence and ensure that the regime’s subjects were fully reliable. Soviet policies marked a clear historical break with previous Russian practice. For centuries, the tsarist government had actively recruited immigrants, and the Russian Empire actually had a positive migration balance (i.e., received more immigrants than it lost emigrants) until the onset of mass emigration, mainly Jewish, in the late nineteenth century (Bubnova 1992).
Immigration was only permitted in exceptional cases.
From the 1920s until the end of the Soviet Union, immigration was permitted only in exceptional cases, mainly on the basis of ad hoc political decisions. Unlike capitalist countries in the same period, the USSR did not have fixed national immigration quotas, laws, or goals, and over the seven decades of its existence, it accepted a negligible number of immigrants, primarily through specific agreements negotiated directly between the Kremlin and foreign governments or international organizations. The organized resettlement of ethnic Armenians from outside the Soviet Union to the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (one of the 15 constituent republics that made up the USSR), which was probably the largest wave of immigration to the USSR, illustrates how the Soviet government viewed immigration.
ibid ]

In fact the only context of a large immigration wave under Stalin was
The Armenian resettlement took place in two major waves of officially autho- rized “repatriation.” First, in the early 1920s, following the genocide of Armenians perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War I, some 20,000 ethnic Arme- nian refugees were permitted to settle in the newly established Soviet Armenia (Stepanian and Sarkisian 2003, 302–05). Shortly after World War II, the Soviet Union reached agreements with the Armenian Church and Armenian organizations abroad to bring Armenian refugees from the Middle East and Mediterranean countries to Soviet Armenia. Under this policy, more than 100,000 Armenians immigrated to the USSR between 1945 and 1948. This repatriation drive was apparently launched in support of Soviet efforts to pursue certain territorial claims against Turkey, which shared a border with Soviet Armenia. However, the program was abruptly terminated with the onset of the Cold War, and many Armenian immigrants found themselves under political suspicion. Some were arrested and sent to prison camps (Suny 1997, 367–68).
ibid

For the Soviets, immigration was to be viewed through geopolitical advantage and security concerns
This peculiar episode illustrates the extremely limited appeal that immigration held for the Soviet government and the political constraints that made a more pro- immigration policy impossible. The leaders of the USSR viewed immigration primarily through the lens of geopolitical advantage and security concerns.
ibid

The Soviet union was reluctant to accept even temporary labour migrants, called "guest workers". When they did they housed them apart from the Soviet population.
Moreover, the Soviet Union was also reluctant to accept even temporary labor immigrants, often called “guest workers.” During the early post–World War II decades,only guest workers from socialist countries were recruited, in extremely small numbers, and they were isolated from the local population as much as possible (Moskoff 1984, 79). Later, as the Soviet Union acquired allies in developing countries such as Cuba and Vietnam, it negotiated agreements with these governments to send guest workers to the USSR. Such agreements provided for compulsory assignment of the guest workers to specific projects in the USSR, their accommodation (often in squalid dormitories), and payment for their labor in hard currency directly to the sending governments (Perez-Lopez and Diaz-Briquets 1990). Furthermore, the significance of foreign workers in the Soviet economy remained minor. A 1977 study reported that foreign nationals accounted for only 0.05 percent of all workers employed in the Soviet Union (Levcik 1977, 18).
ibid

And Soviets maintained this immigration stance despite
This Soviet policy of minimizing immigration appears even more anomalous when we reflect that the Soviet government considered itself to be suffering from a permanent labor shortage and viewed workers as a scarce resource (Kotkin 1995, 34).
ibid

The post World War 2 labour shortage would imply the Soviets could make up the numbers by immigration but chose not to.
The Soviet government’s behavior suggests it viewed immigrants as undesirable subjects, despite their labor utility, because (by definition) they had been shaped by influences beyond the control of the Soviet government. Hollifield has written of the “risk” that states accept when they open their territory to immigration, which implies a certain degree of uncertainty and loss of control (2000, 151).
ibid

Mass migration on the scale seen in Imperialist societies in the recent 5 decades is not some progressive policy.
Indeed the Communists that advocate it should ask how they ended up on the same hymn sheet as the CATO institute.
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