[1 -- COSMOPOLITANISM infiltrates Soviet arts, sciences, history.]
The lead editorials in "Pravda" and "Kultura i Zhizn'" ("Culture and Life") newspapers unmasked an unpatriotic group of theatre critics, of rootless cosmopolitans, who came out against Soviet patriotism, against the great cultural achievements of the Russian people and of other peoples in our country.
Appearing as messengers and propagandists for bourgeois ideology, the rootless-cosmopolitans fawned over and groveled before decadent bourgeois culture. Defaming Soviet socialist culture, they praised to the heavens that which was found in the emaciated and decayed conditions of bourgeois culture. In the great culture of the Russian people they saw echos and rehashings of Western bourgeois culture.
Harmful and corrupting petty ideas of bourgeois cosmopolitanism were also carried over into the realms of Soviet literature, Soviet film, graphic arts, in the area of philosophy, history, economic and juridical law and so forth.
The rootless-cosmopolitan Subotsky tried with all his might to exterminate all nationality from Soviet literature. Foaming at the mouth this cosmopolitan propagandist hurls epithets towards those Soviet writers, who want "on the outside, in language, in details of character a positive hero" to express his belonging to this or that nationality."
These cosmopolitan goals of Subotsky are directed against Soviet patriotism and against Party policy, which always has attached great significance to the national qualities and national traditions of peoples. Lenin spoke out at the 8th Party Congress against the Trotskyite Pyatakov, who had suggested (as a provocation) to eliminate the point about national self-determination from the Party programme, saying, "This could be done, if there were people without national characteristics. But there are no such people, and we cannot build a socialist society any other way. (Works, Vol. 24, p. 156).
In mockery of literary works showing the superior qualities of Soviet people, Subotsky competed with the notorious cosmopolitan Yuzovsky. Yuzovsky venomously sneered that "across the lips of 'positive heroes' in these works," there "inevitably plays such a 'Marxist smile,' that the positive hero of Soviet dramatic art knows all, sees all. For to him, everything is simple, everything is clear." Thus under the flag of struggle against a supposed "primitivism" in the portrayal of the positive hero, the rootless-cosmopolitan Yuzovsky tried to discredit the new traits distinctive to Soviet people. For Yuzovsky is sickened by this fact, that Soviet dramatic art, reflecting the truth of life, shows that the Soviet people is a victorious people, that the Soviet man, overcoming hardships with fortitude, can gain victory over the enemy, is able to guarantee the victory of the new over the old.
By these antipatriotic exertions Yuzovsky sought to slander the Soviet people, to belittle their national dignity, to sow lack of faith in the ability of Soviet people to overcome any difficulties and achieve an intended goal, shown by the entire thirty year practice of Communist construction.
It is well known to Soviet people what a high valuation Comrade Stalin gave to the Russian people, pointing out that inherent to the Great-Russian people are such remarkable qualities as a lucid mind, a firm character, an absence of haste, and a wise patience.
[Editor's Note: "Great-Russian," usually "velikorusskij," is a proper title of the Russian nationality, distinguishing them from the separate Eastern Slavic nationalities of Ukrainians and Belorussians.]
The rootless-cosmopolitan Gurvich, echoing long-discredited hostile slanders against the Great-Russian people, shamelessly libeled them, and ascribed to the Russian people the most repulsive qualities.
An antipatriotic group of rootless-cosmopolitans in theatre criticism aspired to spread national nihilism, alien to Marxism-Leninism and deeply inimical to the Soviet people.
National nihilism is a manifestation of the antipatriotic ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism, disrespect for the national pride and the national dignity of peoples. Comrade Stalin said: "National nihilism only injures the cause of socialism, acting as a tool for bourgeois nationalists." (Works, Vol. 4, p. 91). Comrade Stalin strongly spoke out against those who suggested that "the struggle with nationalism must at the same time throw away everything that is national." (Works, Vol. 5, p. 311). National nihilism in our conditions is a form of struggle chosen by rootless-cosmopolitans against Soviet patriotism, against Soviet culture (national in form, socialist in content); it is a display of their cringing before bourgeois culture. In this way, national nihilism with its attitude towards the Great Russian people and the other peoples of our nation, time and again was linked [in the minds of] rootless cosmopolitans with bourgeois nationalism, which today is inseparably tied with the cosmopolitan ideology of the imperialist bourgeoisie.
In the area of philosophy, advocates of paltry cosmopolitan ideas led a campaign against the great traditions of the Russian people in science and philosophy; they advocated national nihilism. In the creations of the great exemplars of Russian materialistic philosophy - Lomonosov, Radishchev, Hertzen, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, Dobrolyubov - they merely saw imitations of Western European philosophy, borrowings from it.
National nihilism in philosophy became apparent first of all in its scornful attitude towards the legacy of Great-Russian culture. An article by Z. Kamensky "On the question of tradition in Russian materialist philosophy of the 18th and 19th centuries," published in "Voprosy Filosofii" ("Questions of Philosophy") magazine, was a slander of the luminaries of Russian materialist-philosophical thought, and depicted it as only a more or less fortunate follower of Western European philosophies.
Professor B. Kedrov allowed into his works on philosophy and the history of science an array of serious errors and distortions of the anti-Marxist cosmopolitan type. B. Kedrov "proved" and defended the anti-Marxist thesis according to which questions of priority in science were meaningless, and rejected the significance of priority by Russian scientists.
The question about the priority of leading Russian science, literature, and art, about the primacy of Soviet socialist culture is one of the most acute questions of the struggle of socialism against capitalism. Socialist culture represents a superior type of culture, a superior civilization, confirming its superiority over bourgeois culture. The enemies of socialism, nourishing malicious hatred towards the Soviet Union which comes in the advance guard of the forces of democracy and socialism in the whole world, are bent on weakening by every means the day to day growth of the international authority of the USSR, and of its great moral and political prestige. Hence the efforts of enemies of socialism to defame the Soviet Union, to suppress its great economic and cultural achievements, to suppress or dishonestly deny the primacy of Soviet science and engineering, and the immense superiority of Soviet literature and art. Hence their spiteful maltreatment of the culture of the Great Russian people, being the most distinguished nation of all the nations of the USSR, the leading force in the Soviet multinational state. The enemies of the USSR set in motion the basest machinations, so as to appropriate for themselves the achievements of the scientific figures of the Russian people and other peoples of the USSR, lying in order to ascribe primacy in the line of major scientific discoveries to foreign bourgeois scientists to the detriment of the indisputable primacy of the scientists of our country.
The question about the primacy of progressive Russian science, of Soviet science is crucial, a vitally important question for the Soviet people and the socialist state. Therefore, the statement of Kedrov about the immateriality of the question about priority in science plays into the hands of the enemies of the Soviet government.
In his cosmopolitan denial of any significance whatsoever of national aspect in the development of philosophy, Kedrov went so far as the assertion that "To construct a history of world philosophy, it follows first of all that it is not done by countries, nor by basing it on national distinctions and features, but instead by major historical epochs..." ("Questions of Philosophy" No. 1, p. 43 (1947)).
Here, Kedrov's cosmopolitan orientation is obvious, advocating a scornful attitude toward the character of nations, towards their distinctive qualities, making up the contribution of nations to world culture. Denying the role of national aspect and national distinctive features in the development of science and philosophy, Kedrov spoke out for "solidarity" with reactionary representatives of so-called stateless and classless "universal" science. Meanwhile, the slogan "united world science" is profitable only to our class enemies.
In his writings, I. Kryvelyov dragged into "Voprosy Filosofii" magazine harmful antipatriotic, cosmopolitan petty ideas. In articles on military matters, he found fault with Russian military strategy and Russian military skill. In Kryvelyov's deeply flawed article "Towards the Description of German Military Ideology," he offers an outrageous example of bourgeois objectivism and servility before things foreign. Consisting almost entirely of quotations plucked out of writings by German racists and militarists, this article is an antipatriotic, objectivist account of predatory German-fascist military ideology. Discussing the victory of the Soviet Army over German fascism, Kryvelyov did not devote a single word to Soviet patriotism - the source of the heroism of Soviet people.
The forms in which bourgeois-cosmopolitan petty ideas are dragged into the area of ideology are multifarious: from concealment of better products of socialist culture to direct denigration of it; from denial of the world-historical significance of Great Russian culture and elimination of respect for its traditions to the frank propagation of servility before decadent bourgeois culture; from the spreading of national nihilism and negation of the significance of the question of priority in science to the slogan about "international solidarity" with bourgeois science and so forth and so on. But the essence of all these forms is this antipatriotism, this propaganda of bourgeois-cosmopolitan ideology setting its goal of spiritual disarmament of the Soviet people in the face of aggressive bourgeois ideology, the revival of remnants of capitalism in peoples' consciousness.
F. Chernov: Bourgeois Cosmopolitanism and its reactionary role
[2 -- THE PARTY Counterattacks..]
With the liquidation of the exploiter classes, Soviet society achieved unprecedented moral-political unity which found its most brilliant expression in the strong flowering of Soviet patriotism. But one must not forget that the imperialistic camp in every way possible strives to revive and renew the remnants of capitalism in the consciousness of Soviet people.
At the 17th Party Congress, Comrade Stalin pointed out that "one should not say that we have overcome all vestiges of capitalism in the consciousness of the people. One should not say this, not only because the development of the consciousness of the people lags behind their economic situation, but also because there still exists a capitalist encirclement which seeks to revive and support the remnants of capitalism in the economy and in the consciousness of the people of the USSR and against which we, Bol'sheviks, must at all times keep our powder dry." ("Questions of Leninism," 11th ed., p. 466).
Comrade G. M. Malenkov said in his report to an Informational Meeting of representatives of some Communist Parties:
"Since the crushing defeat and liquidation of the remnants of the exploiter classes in our country, the international bourgeoisie lost all support within the Soviet Union for its struggle against the Soviet state. However it aims to use for its purposes the remnants of capitalism in the consciousness of the Soviet people - remnants of the mentality of private ownership, vestiges of bourgeois morals, reverence of individuals for the bourgeois culture of the West, display of nationalism etc."
In the calculation of our foreign enemies they should divert Soviet literature and culture and Soviet science from the service of the Socialist cause. They try to infect Soviet literature, science, and art with all kinds of putrid influences, to weaken in such a way these powerful linchpins of the political training of the people, the education of the Soviet people in the spirit of active service to the socialist fatherland, to communist construction.
The Party of Lenin and Stalin leads a decisive attack against bourgeois ideology, inflicting blow after blow on all displays of bourgeois influence on the various sectors on the ideological front.
The Central Committee of the CPSU revealed the danger of empty ideological content and indifference to politics in art, which had cleared channels for penetration of the bourgeois worldview into the environment of Soviet people. The well known decree of the CC-CPSU regarding "Zvezda" ["Star"] and "Leningrad" magazines mobilized the Party and leaders of Soviet literature and art in the decisive struggle against apolitical attitudes and ideological emptiness, in the making of literature of a high ideological content, able to instill into the builders of communism a courageous spirit and confidence in the triumph of their great cause. On the foundation of the decisions of the CC-CPSU, Soviet literature and art achieved great successes, enriched by works which, as Comrade V. M. Molotov pointed out: "In their ways they show the ideological meaning of the events and work of people of the Soviet era."
The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) firmly criticized the developing among independent Soviet scientific workers of bourgeois-objectivist concepts. Comrade A.A. Zhdanov in his statement on the discussion of Comrade G.F. Alexandrov's book "The History of Western Philosophy," noting the flaws of that book and its objectivist concepts, pointed out that such concepts, had they influenced our development, would have necessarily led to servility before bourgeois philosophy and to exaggeration of its merit, to the detriment of our philosophy of the aggressive, fighting spirit, which would have implied a retreat from basic materialism, from its directions, and from its Party spirit. In his statement in the discussion, criticizing Comrade Alexandrov's book, Comrade A.A. Zhdanov noted the failure to include in it the history of Russian philosophy is in no way justified, and that this omission is of a fundamental character.
The debate on G.F. Alexandrov's book centered on the workers on the philosophy front in the struggle against decadent bourgeois philosophy, in overcoming disparaging attitudes towards Russian philosophy, in further elaboration of Marxist-Leninist philosophy and in strengthening its bonds with the practical work of building communism.
The decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) about the opera by V. Muradeli "The Great Friendship" struck a blow against formalists and other putrid influences of bourgeois art on individual figures in Soviet music that were leading to a division between Soviet music on one hand, and the people, and their needs and demands, on the other. In this resolution, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) subjected to a scathing denunciation the direction of some composers who had neglected the great musical legacy of the brilliant Russian composers. The above-mentioned decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) revealed broad areas for uplifting Soviet musical culture, embodying in all work the socialist life of the Soviet people and the deep national traditions of music of the Russian people and of other peoples of the USSR.
Achieved under the direction of our Party, the destruction of Weisman-Morgan school of biology, and the historic August session of VASKhNIL were shattering blows against the attempts of our foreign enemies to drag into Soviet science reactionary ideology and metaphysical theory, causing damage to science, making it sterile and useless, and separating it from the needs of the people. Thus were assured the triumph of Michurinist materialistic biology in our country, the well-being of Soviet biological science, transforming nature.
The Central Committee of the ACP(B) unmasked attempts of the imperialist bourgeoisie to use such vestiges of the old regime, still found among individual representatives of our intelligentsia, as groveling before bourgeois culture. The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party mobilized the party and Soviet intelligentsia in the struggle against each and every remnant cringing before the Western bourgeoisie, against every attempt to hide the priority of Russian scientists in many areas of science and technology, against the bare-faced attempts by bourgeois scientists to appropriate to themselves the priority belonging to Soviet scientists. The Party called upon the Soviet intelligentsia and the whole Soviet people to carry high the banner of Soviet national pride, raised still higher by the Soviet intelligentsia's patriotic consciousness of the great Soviet culture and its superiority over bourgeois culture.
The Party struck a blow against all manifestations of the influence of bourgeois ideology in the area of literature, art, science, and smashed the attempts of the imperialist bourgeoisie to shake the morale and mental firmness of Soviet people and, in such a way, to disturb the successful progress of our country towards communism, the growth and strengthening ofdevotion of the Soviet people to their socialist Motherland.
The most poisonous ideological weapon of the hostile capitalist encirclement is bourgeois cosmopolitanism. Consisting in part of cringing before foreign things and servility before bourgeois culture, rootless-cosmopolitanism produces special dangers, because cosmopolitanism is the ideological banner of militant international reaction, the ideal weapon in its hands for the struggle against socialism and democracy. Therefore the struggle with the ideology of cosmopolitanism, its total and definitive unmasking and overcoming acquires in the present time particular acuity and urgency.
With the liquidation of the exploiter classes, Soviet society achieved unprecedented moral-political unity which found its most brilliant expression in the strong flowering of Soviet patriotism. But one must not forget that the imperialistic camp in every way possible strives to revive and renew the remnants of capitalism in the consciousness of Soviet people.
At the 17th Party Congress, Comrade Stalin pointed out that "one should not say that we have overcome all vestiges of capitalism in the consciousness of the people. One should not say this, not only because the development of the consciousness of the people lags behind their economic situation, but also because there still exists a capitalist encirclement which seeks to revive and support the remnants of capitalism in the economy and in the consciousness of the people of the USSR and against which we, Bol'sheviks, must at all times keep our powder dry." ("Questions of Leninism," 11th ed., p. 466).
Comrade G. M. Malenkov said in his report to an Informational Meeting of representatives of some Communist Parties:
"Since the crushing defeat and liquidation of the remnants of the exploiter classes in our country, the international bourgeoisie lost all support within the Soviet Union for its struggle against the Soviet state. However it aims to use for its purposes the remnants of capitalism in the consciousness of the Soviet people - remnants of the mentality of private ownership, vestiges of bourgeois morals, reverence of individuals for the bourgeois culture of the West, display of nationalism etc."
In the calculation of our foreign enemies they should divert Soviet literature and culture and Soviet science from the service of the Socialist cause. They try to infect Soviet literature, science, and art with all kinds of putrid influences, to weaken in such a way these powerful linchpins of the political training of the people, the education of the Soviet people in the spirit of active service to the socialist fatherland, to communist construction.
The Party of Lenin and Stalin leads a decisive attack against bourgeois ideology, inflicting blow after blow on all displays of bourgeois influence on the various sectors on the ideological front.
The Central Committee of the CPSU revealed the danger of empty ideological content and indifference to politics in art, which had cleared channels for penetration of the bourgeois worldview into the environment of Soviet people. The well known decree of the CC-CPSU regarding "Zvezda" ["Star"] and "Leningrad" magazines mobilized the Party and leaders of Soviet literature and art in the decisive struggle against apolitical attitudes and ideological emptiness, in the making of literature of a high ideological content, able to instill into the builders of communism a courageous spirit and confidence in the triumph of their great cause. On the foundation of the decisions of the CC-CPSU, Soviet literature and art achieved great successes, enriched by works which, as Comrade V. M. Molotov pointed out: "In their ways they show the ideological meaning of the events and work of people of the Soviet era."
The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) firmly criticized the developing among independent Soviet scientific workers of bourgeois-objectivist concepts. Comrade A.A. Zhdanov in his statement on the discussion of Comrade G.F. Alexandrov's book "The History of Western Philosophy," noting the flaws of that book and its objectivist concepts, pointed out that such concepts, had they influenced our development, would have necessarily led to servility before bourgeois philosophy and to exaggeration of its merit, to the detriment of our philosophy of the aggressive, fighting spirit, which would have implied a retreat from basic materialism, from its directions, and from its Party spirit. In his statement in the discussion, criticizing Comrade Alexandrov's book, Comrade A.A. Zhdanov noted the failure to include in it the history of Russian philosophy is in no way justified, and that this omission is of a fundamental character.
The debate on G.F. Alexandrov's book centered on the workers on the philosophy front in the struggle against decadent bourgeois philosophy, in overcoming disparaging attitudes towards Russian philosophy, in further elaboration of Marxist-Leninist philosophy and in strengthening its bonds with the practical work of building communism.
The decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) about the opera by V. Muradeli "The Great Friendship" struck a blow against formalists and other putrid influences of bourgeois art on individual figures in Soviet music that were leading to a division between Soviet music on one hand, and the people, and their needs and demands, on the other. In this resolution, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) subjected to a scathing denunciation the direction of some composers who had neglected the great musical legacy of the brilliant Russian composers. The above-mentioned decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) revealed broad areas for uplifting Soviet musical culture, embodying in all work the socialist life of the Soviet people and the deep national traditions of music of the Russian people and of other peoples of the USSR.
Achieved under the direction of our Party, the destruction of Weisman-Morgan school of biology, and the historic August session of VASKhNIL were shattering blows against the attempts of our foreign enemies to drag into Soviet science reactionary ideology and metaphysical theory, causing damage to science, making it sterile and useless, and separating it from the needs of the people. Thus were assured the triumph of Michurinist materialistic biology in our country, the well-being of Soviet biological science, transforming nature.
The Central Committee of the ACP(B) unmasked attempts of the imperialist bourgeoisie to use such vestiges of the old regime, still found among individual representatives of our intelligentsia, as groveling before bourgeois culture. The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party mobilized the party and Soviet intelligentsia in the struggle against each and every remnant cringing before the Western bourgeoisie, against every attempt to hide the priority of Russian scientists in many areas of science and technology, against the bare-faced attempts by bourgeois scientists to appropriate to themselves the priority belonging to Soviet scientists. The Party called upon the Soviet intelligentsia and the whole Soviet people to carry high the banner of Soviet national pride, raised still higher by the Soviet intelligentsia's patriotic consciousness of the great Soviet culture and its superiority over bourgeois culture.
The Party struck a blow against all manifestations of the influence of bourgeois ideology in the area of literature, art, science, and smashed the attempts of the imperialist bourgeoisie to shake the morale and mental firmness of Soviet people and, in such a way, to disturb the successful progress of our country towards communism, the growth and strengthening ofdevotion of the Soviet people to their socialist Motherland.
The most poisonous ideological weapon of the hostile capitalist encirclement is bourgeois cosmopolitanism. Consisting in part of cringing before foreign things and servility before bourgeois culture, rootless-cosmopolitanism produces special dangers, because cosmopolitanism is the ideological banner of militant international reaction, the ideal weapon in its hands for the struggle against socialism and democracy. Therefore the struggle with the ideology of cosmopolitanism, its total and definitive unmasking and overcoming acquires in the present time particular acuity and urgency.
[3 -- THE WORLDWIDE struggle against "cosmopolitan" imperialism.]
The ideology of cosmopolitanism arises from the same manner of production of bourgeois society.
Cosmopolitanism is the negation of patriotism, its opposite. It advocates absolute apathy towards the fate of the Motherland. Cosmopolitanism denies the existence of any moral or civil obligations of people to their nation and Motherland.
The bourgeoisie preaches the principle that money does not have a homeland, and that, wherever one can "make money," wherever one may "have a profitable business", there is his homeland. Here is the villainy that bourgeois cosmopolitanism is called on to conceal, to disguise, "to ennoble" the antipatriotic ideology of the rootless bourgeois-businessman, the huckster and the traveling salesman.
Harmful cosmopolitan ideology serves for the bourgeoisie and its agents as a very convenient ideological tool for excusing and covering up all kinds of antipatriotic actions, national treason and political double-dealing. Marx showed that "bourgeois patriotism...degenerated into a complete sham after its financial, commercial, and industrial activity acquired a cosmopolitanist character" (Marx-Engels Archive, Vol. III (VIII), p. 355).
In the era of imperialism the ideology of cosmopolitanism is a weapon in the struggle of imperialist plunderers seeking world domination.
Even in the time of the first World War, defending the Bolshevik programme on the nationalities question, fighting for the right of nations for self-determination, Lenin wrote:
"Imperialism represents outgrowing by capital of frameworks for national states, it represents an expansion and exacerbation of national oppression on a new historical basis. Hence it follows that in spite of guns, exactly this, that we must join the revolutionary struggle for socialism to a revolutionary programme on the question of nationality. (Works, 4th edition, Vol. 21, page 371-2.)
This Leninist position shows the indissoluble bonds of the revolutionary struggle for socialism with the defense of national sovereignty of nations.
Imperialism is inseparable from repression of national sovereignty of peoples and monstrous national oppression. In policies of the most severe exploitation of oppressed nations, in expansionist aspirations, the imperialist bourgeoisie hides the first sources of bourgeois-cosmopolitan preaching of national nihilism.
National sovereignty, the struggle of oppressed nations for their liberation, the patriotic feelings of freedom-loving peoples and above all the mighty patriotism of the Soviet people - these still serve as a serious obstacle for predatory imperialistic aspirations, they prevent the imperialists' accomplishing their plans of establishing world-wide domination. Seeking to crush the peoples' will for resistance, the imperialist bourgeoisie and their agents in the camp of Right-wing socialists preach that national sovereignty purportedly became obsolete and a thing past its time, they proclaim the fiction of the very notion of nation and state independence.
The ruling cliques of nations, being the objects of American expansion go all out so as to spit upon and fault the yearning of the masses for the preservation of their national sovereignty, thus rendering aid to American imperialism.
Violently attacking the peoples' aspiration to protect their national sovereignty, their national independence, apologists of imperialism insolently declare "out of date" the peoples' aspiration for preservation or achievement of their national independence, or, in other words, their unwillingness to voluntary submit to the imperialist aggressors.
The preaching of national nihilism is knowingly and deliberately led by the ideologists of Anglo-American imperialism against the land of Socialism and the people's democracies. The people of people's democratic countries under the leadership of communists, with the support of the Soviet Union, bravely and steadfastly fight for their national independence. In particular the Communist parties now serve in all countries of the world as the heirs and most consistent defenders of the better national traditions of peoples, as frontline fighters for liberty and independence of peoples. They lead national opposition to the aggressors and the expansionist aspirations of American imperialism.
Modern bourgeois cosmopolitanism is the ideological expression of aggressive imperialist policies of the reactionary bourgeoisie of the great capitalistic powers, directed towards the establishment of their world supremacy. The struggle for world domination, for the exploitation of the world by a handful of capitalist monopolies naturally and inevitably results from inequality in the economic and political development of capitalism in the era of imperialism.
"Global supremacy," Lenin observed, "is, in short, the maintenance of imperialist policies, the continuation of which is imperialist war." (Works, Vol. XIX, p. 201.)
American imperialism, in the current conditions, is revealed as the pretender for world domination. And this explains this fact, namely that the ideologists of American imperialism emerge today as the most violent propagandists of cosmopolitanism. Present day bourgeois cosmopolitanism is chosen by American imperialism as a weapon of the ideological struggle for world domination. With the help of American cosmopolitan propaganda, American imperialism directs the ideological preparation for the accomplishment of its expansionist, aggressive aspirations. The ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism serves as a convenient cover for the subversive activity of spies and saboteurs, working at the behest of foreign intelligence services. In the guise of cosmopolitan phraseology, in false slogans about the struggle against "nationalist selfishness," hides the brutal face of the inciters of a new war, trying to bring about the fantastic notion of American rule over the world. From the imperialist circles of the USA today issues propaganda of "world citizenship" and "universal government."
The true sense of this propaganda was unmasked by Comrade A.A. Zhdanov in his report at the conference of some representatives of Communist parties.
"Some of the directions of the ideological 'campaign' accompanying plans for the enslavement of Europe," said Comrade Zhdanov, "are an attack on the principle of national sovereignty, a call for the rejection of the sovereign rights of peoples and, set up in contrast to them, the idea of 'universal government'." The sense of this campaign consists of this, to enhance unchecked expansion of American imperialism, inconsiderately violating the sovereign rights of peoples, to represent the USA in the role of the standard-bearer of the laws of all mankind, and otherwise, to present those who resist American influence as followers of obsolete 'selfish' nationalism.
The patriotism of the popular masses serves as a powerful spiritual weapon of the workers in the struggle for liberty and national independence. Directed against patriotism, bourgeois cosmopolitanism pursues the goal of ideological disarmament of peoples opposing American imperialistic expansion. With the aid of cosmopolitan propaganda, the bourgeoisie of Western countries and their agents in the persons of Blum, Bevin, and Schumacher and their like aspire to excuse their national treason, and to prepare ideologically the total surrender of these countries before American imperialism.
Editor's notes:
Blum -- Leon Blum, leader of French Socialist Party (aka social-fascist, social-imperialist, etc) before and after WW II.
Bevin -- Ernest Bevin, foreign minister of Britain's Labour government.
Schumacher -- Kurt Schumacher, leader of W. German Social Democratic Party
Comrade A.A. Zhdanov showed that bourgeois cosmopolitism and, in particular, the cosmopolitan idea of "one-world government" have a strikingly expressed anti-Soviet orientation.
"The co-opting of the idea of 'one-world government' by the bourgeois intelligentsia from a number of dreamers and pacifists," said Comrade Zhdanov, "is used not only as a tool to press for the ideological disarmament of peoples, who stand up for their independence from encroachments from the direction of American imperialism, but also as a slogan expressly opposed by the Soviet Union, which constantly and repeatedly defends the principle of true equal rights and the protection of the sovereign rights of all peoples, great and small."
Fed by the aggressive Anglo-American plans for world domination, present-day cosmopolitanism is nothing but the seamy side of unbridled Anglo-American bourgeois nationalism and racism.
Cosmopolitanism and nationalism are not opposites, but are merely two sides of bourgeois-imperialist ideology. Cosmopolitanism always was and is merely a screen, a disguise for nationalism. In due course, unmasking the German bourgeois "true socialists," Marx and Engels indignantly wrote: "...such a narrow nationalist world-view lies at the foundation of supposed universalism and German cosmopolitanism" (K. Marx, F. Engels, Works, Vol. IV, p. 464).
Self-seeking imperialist interests of the Anglo-American capitalist monopolies and militant Anglo-American bourgeois nationalism lie at the foundation of bourgeois cosmopolitanism.
All the preaching of cosmopolitan ideas, exported from the USA, of "world citizenship," "universal government," "world-wide power," and the "supranational state" etc. are called to serve in their own way as an ideological disguise for Anglo-American nationalism.
Leninism revealed the sources, the roots of bourgeois cosmopolitanism. V.I. Lenin wrote: "...the union of imperialists of all countries, the union, naturally and inevitably, for the defense of capital, knowing no homeland, proved by many of the most significant and greatest episodes in world history, that capital puts the keeping of its alliance of capitalists of all countries against the workers higher than the interests of the fatherland, of the people or of anything else." (Works, Vol. XXIII, p. 4).
Lenin proved here that the bourgeoisie places the protection of its self-serving class interests "higher than the interests of the fatherland, the people, or anything else," that in the name of protecting its class interests the bourgeoisie creates a "union of imperialists of all countries" against the workers.
The composition of a new international situation as a result of the Second World War - the growth of the power of the Soviet Union and its international authority, the drop-out from the imperialist system by the peoples' democracies, leftward tendencies among the masses in capitalist countries, the colossal growth of the strength of socialism and democracy in the whole world, the growth of national liberation movements in colonial and semi-colonial counties - all this provokes spiteful hatred from the imperialist, antidemocratic camp, headed by the USA, having set as its main purpose the struggle with socialism and democracy.
Present-day bourgeois cosmopolitanism with its call for the repudiation of national sovereignty, with its notions of "one-world government," the creation of the "United States of Europe," etc. is an ideological "basis" and "consecration" of the assembling under the aegis of American imperialism of a "union of imperialists" in the name of the struggle against the toiling masses, against the Soviet Union and people's democracies, against the irresistible growth over the entire world of the forces of socialism and democracy.
Bourgeois cosmopolitanism is from start to finish a profoundly reactionary ideology of the imperialist bourgeoisie, an ideological banner of the imperialist, antidemocratic camp. Therefore the struggle with bourgeois cosmopolitanism is an indispensable and paramount component part of the struggle against imperialism, against decadent bourgeois ideology.
The ideology of cosmopolitanism arises from the same manner of production of bourgeois society.
Cosmopolitanism is the negation of patriotism, its opposite. It advocates absolute apathy towards the fate of the Motherland. Cosmopolitanism denies the existence of any moral or civil obligations of people to their nation and Motherland.
The bourgeoisie preaches the principle that money does not have a homeland, and that, wherever one can "make money," wherever one may "have a profitable business", there is his homeland. Here is the villainy that bourgeois cosmopolitanism is called on to conceal, to disguise, "to ennoble" the antipatriotic ideology of the rootless bourgeois-businessman, the huckster and the traveling salesman.
Harmful cosmopolitan ideology serves for the bourgeoisie and its agents as a very convenient ideological tool for excusing and covering up all kinds of antipatriotic actions, national treason and political double-dealing. Marx showed that "bourgeois patriotism...degenerated into a complete sham after its financial, commercial, and industrial activity acquired a cosmopolitanist character" (Marx-Engels Archive, Vol. III (VIII), p. 355).
In the era of imperialism the ideology of cosmopolitanism is a weapon in the struggle of imperialist plunderers seeking world domination.
Even in the time of the first World War, defending the Bolshevik programme on the nationalities question, fighting for the right of nations for self-determination, Lenin wrote:
"Imperialism represents outgrowing by capital of frameworks for national states, it represents an expansion and exacerbation of national oppression on a new historical basis. Hence it follows that in spite of guns, exactly this, that we must join the revolutionary struggle for socialism to a revolutionary programme on the question of nationality. (Works, 4th edition, Vol. 21, page 371-2.)
This Leninist position shows the indissoluble bonds of the revolutionary struggle for socialism with the defense of national sovereignty of nations.
Imperialism is inseparable from repression of national sovereignty of peoples and monstrous national oppression. In policies of the most severe exploitation of oppressed nations, in expansionist aspirations, the imperialist bourgeoisie hides the first sources of bourgeois-cosmopolitan preaching of national nihilism.
National sovereignty, the struggle of oppressed nations for their liberation, the patriotic feelings of freedom-loving peoples and above all the mighty patriotism of the Soviet people - these still serve as a serious obstacle for predatory imperialistic aspirations, they prevent the imperialists' accomplishing their plans of establishing world-wide domination. Seeking to crush the peoples' will for resistance, the imperialist bourgeoisie and their agents in the camp of Right-wing socialists preach that national sovereignty purportedly became obsolete and a thing past its time, they proclaim the fiction of the very notion of nation and state independence.
The ruling cliques of nations, being the objects of American expansion go all out so as to spit upon and fault the yearning of the masses for the preservation of their national sovereignty, thus rendering aid to American imperialism.
Violently attacking the peoples' aspiration to protect their national sovereignty, their national independence, apologists of imperialism insolently declare "out of date" the peoples' aspiration for preservation or achievement of their national independence, or, in other words, their unwillingness to voluntary submit to the imperialist aggressors.
The preaching of national nihilism is knowingly and deliberately led by the ideologists of Anglo-American imperialism against the land of Socialism and the people's democracies. The people of people's democratic countries under the leadership of communists, with the support of the Soviet Union, bravely and steadfastly fight for their national independence. In particular the Communist parties now serve in all countries of the world as the heirs and most consistent defenders of the better national traditions of peoples, as frontline fighters for liberty and independence of peoples. They lead national opposition to the aggressors and the expansionist aspirations of American imperialism.
Modern bourgeois cosmopolitanism is the ideological expression of aggressive imperialist policies of the reactionary bourgeoisie of the great capitalistic powers, directed towards the establishment of their world supremacy. The struggle for world domination, for the exploitation of the world by a handful of capitalist monopolies naturally and inevitably results from inequality in the economic and political development of capitalism in the era of imperialism.
"Global supremacy," Lenin observed, "is, in short, the maintenance of imperialist policies, the continuation of which is imperialist war." (Works, Vol. XIX, p. 201.)
American imperialism, in the current conditions, is revealed as the pretender for world domination. And this explains this fact, namely that the ideologists of American imperialism emerge today as the most violent propagandists of cosmopolitanism. Present day bourgeois cosmopolitanism is chosen by American imperialism as a weapon of the ideological struggle for world domination. With the help of American cosmopolitan propaganda, American imperialism directs the ideological preparation for the accomplishment of its expansionist, aggressive aspirations. The ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism serves as a convenient cover for the subversive activity of spies and saboteurs, working at the behest of foreign intelligence services. In the guise of cosmopolitan phraseology, in false slogans about the struggle against "nationalist selfishness," hides the brutal face of the inciters of a new war, trying to bring about the fantastic notion of American rule over the world. From the imperialist circles of the USA today issues propaganda of "world citizenship" and "universal government."
The true sense of this propaganda was unmasked by Comrade A.A. Zhdanov in his report at the conference of some representatives of Communist parties.
"Some of the directions of the ideological 'campaign' accompanying plans for the enslavement of Europe," said Comrade Zhdanov, "are an attack on the principle of national sovereignty, a call for the rejection of the sovereign rights of peoples and, set up in contrast to them, the idea of 'universal government'." The sense of this campaign consists of this, to enhance unchecked expansion of American imperialism, inconsiderately violating the sovereign rights of peoples, to represent the USA in the role of the standard-bearer of the laws of all mankind, and otherwise, to present those who resist American influence as followers of obsolete 'selfish' nationalism.
The patriotism of the popular masses serves as a powerful spiritual weapon of the workers in the struggle for liberty and national independence. Directed against patriotism, bourgeois cosmopolitanism pursues the goal of ideological disarmament of peoples opposing American imperialistic expansion. With the aid of cosmopolitan propaganda, the bourgeoisie of Western countries and their agents in the persons of Blum, Bevin, and Schumacher and their like aspire to excuse their national treason, and to prepare ideologically the total surrender of these countries before American imperialism.
Editor's notes:
Blum -- Leon Blum, leader of French Socialist Party (aka social-fascist, social-imperialist, etc) before and after WW II.
Bevin -- Ernest Bevin, foreign minister of Britain's Labour government.
Schumacher -- Kurt Schumacher, leader of W. German Social Democratic Party
Comrade A.A. Zhdanov showed that bourgeois cosmopolitism and, in particular, the cosmopolitan idea of "one-world government" have a strikingly expressed anti-Soviet orientation.
"The co-opting of the idea of 'one-world government' by the bourgeois intelligentsia from a number of dreamers and pacifists," said Comrade Zhdanov, "is used not only as a tool to press for the ideological disarmament of peoples, who stand up for their independence from encroachments from the direction of American imperialism, but also as a slogan expressly opposed by the Soviet Union, which constantly and repeatedly defends the principle of true equal rights and the protection of the sovereign rights of all peoples, great and small."
Fed by the aggressive Anglo-American plans for world domination, present-day cosmopolitanism is nothing but the seamy side of unbridled Anglo-American bourgeois nationalism and racism.
Cosmopolitanism and nationalism are not opposites, but are merely two sides of bourgeois-imperialist ideology. Cosmopolitanism always was and is merely a screen, a disguise for nationalism. In due course, unmasking the German bourgeois "true socialists," Marx and Engels indignantly wrote: "...such a narrow nationalist world-view lies at the foundation of supposed universalism and German cosmopolitanism" (K. Marx, F. Engels, Works, Vol. IV, p. 464).
Self-seeking imperialist interests of the Anglo-American capitalist monopolies and militant Anglo-American bourgeois nationalism lie at the foundation of bourgeois cosmopolitanism.
All the preaching of cosmopolitan ideas, exported from the USA, of "world citizenship," "universal government," "world-wide power," and the "supranational state" etc. are called to serve in their own way as an ideological disguise for Anglo-American nationalism.
Leninism revealed the sources, the roots of bourgeois cosmopolitanism. V.I. Lenin wrote: "...the union of imperialists of all countries, the union, naturally and inevitably, for the defense of capital, knowing no homeland, proved by many of the most significant and greatest episodes in world history, that capital puts the keeping of its alliance of capitalists of all countries against the workers higher than the interests of the fatherland, of the people or of anything else." (Works, Vol. XXIII, p. 4).
Lenin proved here that the bourgeoisie places the protection of its self-serving class interests "higher than the interests of the fatherland, the people, or anything else," that in the name of protecting its class interests the bourgeoisie creates a "union of imperialists of all countries" against the workers.
The composition of a new international situation as a result of the Second World War - the growth of the power of the Soviet Union and its international authority, the drop-out from the imperialist system by the peoples' democracies, leftward tendencies among the masses in capitalist countries, the colossal growth of the strength of socialism and democracy in the whole world, the growth of national liberation movements in colonial and semi-colonial counties - all this provokes spiteful hatred from the imperialist, antidemocratic camp, headed by the USA, having set as its main purpose the struggle with socialism and democracy.
Present-day bourgeois cosmopolitanism with its call for the repudiation of national sovereignty, with its notions of "one-world government," the creation of the "United States of Europe," etc. is an ideological "basis" and "consecration" of the assembling under the aegis of American imperialism of a "union of imperialists" in the name of the struggle against the toiling masses, against the Soviet Union and people's democracies, against the irresistible growth over the entire world of the forces of socialism and democracy.
Bourgeois cosmopolitanism is from start to finish a profoundly reactionary ideology of the imperialist bourgeoisie, an ideological banner of the imperialist, antidemocratic camp. Therefore the struggle with bourgeois cosmopolitanism is an indispensable and paramount component part of the struggle against imperialism, against decadent bourgeois ideology.
[4 -- SOVIET Patriotism -- a new and higher type.]
Bourgeois cosmopolitanism is chiefly aimed against patriotism. Therefore the goal of further education, development and cultivation of Soviet patriotism demands a resolute struggle against cosmopolitanism and absolute victory over such disgraceful vestiges of bourgeois ideology as cringing and servility towards the capitalist West.
Soviet patriotism, against which rootless cosmopolitans directed their criminal activity, is a powerful weapon of our Party and of the Soviet people, and is an inexhaustible source of creative forces for Soviet people.
Revealing the sources of the indestructible spiritual strength of Soviet people, of their work and military valor, so strikingly demonstrated in the years of the Great Patriotic War [ie. WW II], Comrade Stalin said:
"The valiant labor of Soviet people in the rear, just like the immortal military feats of our soldiers on the front, have their source in fervent and life-giving Soviet patriotism."
In this exceptionally profound attitude, Comrade Stalin revealed what a truly invaluable, great significance ardent, life-giving Soviet patriotism has in the life of our society, in the life and activity of all Soviet people.
Soviet patriotism, widely expanding in our country as a result of the victory of socialism, nurtured in the Soviet people by the Party of Lenin and Stalin, became a powerful moving force of development of Soviet society.
Soviet patriotism, expressing the devotion of the Soviet people to their socialist Fatherland, is cementing the foundations of the Soviet multinational State, rallying all peoples and nationalities of our country into a united, fraternal family.
Soviet patriotism serves for the people of our country as a powerful ideological booster for unselfish work and heroic acts for the fame of the socialist Fatherland, for the sake of the victory of communism. With the blazing expression of Soviet patriotism is the lofty feeling of Soviet national pride, the awareness of the immeasurable superiority of Soviet society and socialist culture over bourgeois society and its culture.
Soviet patriotism, the feeling of Soviet national dignity, is a dependable ideological barrier which breaks up all attempts of international reaction to inject Soviet people with groveling and servility before the capitalist West.
Soviet patriotism, as the sense of deepening devotion of the popular masses to their fatherland, to the Soviet social and governmental system, is a qualitatively new phenomenon. Soviet patriotism is the most precious fruit of this fundamental revolution in the consciousness of the people, which took place on the basis of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in our country. Soviet patriotism has no equal in all previous history in the strength of its influence on the minds and hearts of people.
The new societal attitudes, originating from the winning of their socialist Fatherland by the working masses of our country also caused a new attitude of the popular masses towards the Motherland and the state. The expression of these new attitudes was Soviet socialist patriotism, forming the most profound and most striking trait of the new spiritual appearance of Soviet people.
"One should recognize," said Comrade V.M. Molotov, that a most important achievement of our revolution is the new spiritual aspect and ideological growth of people, as Soviet patriots."
Soviet patriotism arose, grew stronger and prevailed during the heroic struggle of the Bolshevik party and of the Soviet people for the defense of the socialist Fatherland, for the construction of socialism.
Throughout the entire history of the Soviet state, the Party of the Bolsheviks educated the toiling masses of our country in the spirit of Soviet patriotism.
Already on the eve of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Comrade Stalin, unmasking the Menshevik-Trotskyite "theory" of Russia's total dependence on the capitalist West, said:
"The possibility is not excluded that Russia in particular is a country building a road to socialism... One must cast aside old notions about this, that only Europe is able show us the way" (Works, vol. 3, p. 186-7).
These prophetic words of Comrade Stalin, full of genuine patriotism, inspired steadfast confidence in the line of the Bolshevik Party and hard work, in the ranks of the Bolshevik Party and workers a firm confidence in their own powers, and in the possibility of socialist development of our country.
In 1917, the "Russian people accomplished a gigantic leap forward - vaulting from czarism to the Soviet system" (V.I. Lenin, Works, vol. XXII, p. 185). The overthrow of the rule of the exploiting classes and the establishment of Soviet power meant that the toiling masses of our country gained at last their socialist Fatherland because of the heroic struggle of the Bolshevik party. "On the 7th of November (25th of October old style)," said Lenin, "we openly said that that we are for the defense of the Fatherland, for it is indeed our Fatherland..." (ibid., p. 400). Developing the patriotic idea of the defense of the socialist Fatherland, Lenin pointed out, that in the conditions of the rule of the proletarian dictatorship, this idea acquires a new, socialist content, since, defending the Fatherland, "we are defending socialism, we defend the socialist Fatherland." (ibid, p. 382).
The Party of Lenin and Stalin led the relentless struggle against all enemies of the socialist Fatherland. The Bolshevik party gave a resolute rebuff to the so-called "Left Communists," participants in the counterrevolutionary plot of the Trotskyite-Bukharinists. These enemies of the Party and of the people attempted to give out the Socialist motherland, just recently won by the workers and peasants, to flooding and pillage by troops of foreign interventionists and, taking refuge in false phrases about "revolutionary war" and supposed "international" interests, they proclaimed "In the interests of international revolution we consider it expedient to accept the possibility of losing Soviet power."
"Strange and monstrous," - thus did Lenin call these foul, provocative and treacherous statements of the Bukharinites. Hotly and angrily Lenin unmasked this disgraceful act of betrayal and treason. Sweeping away the anti-Soviet, antipatriotic ravings of "Left Communism," Lenin tore away its deceitful mask of internationalism and showed that the true and authentic internationalism in the conditions of victory in one country consists of every possible defense of the socialist Fatherland. "Exactly in the interests of 'strengthening ties' with international socialism," Lenin wrote, "it is mandatory to defend the socialist Fatherland." (Works, vol. XXII, p. 510).
One of the favorite forms of wrecking and sabotage activity by the Trotsky-Zinoviev band was unrestrained slander on the Soviet people and their socialist achievements and unbridled propagation of servility before the capitalist West. In their antipatriotic frenzy, Trotskyite-Bukharinists smeared mud on the Russian people, calling them a "nation of Oblomovs" [Editor's note: 19th Century writer I. A. Goncharov's character "Oblomov" was noted for apathy, inactivity, and laziness.] Leninism -- the greatest achievement of Russian and world culture, the glory and pride of the Soviet people -- they proclaimed to be a nationally-limited teaching. The toadies crawling before the capitalist West aspired to kill the Soviet people's faith in the victory of socialism and proclaimed that the Soviet people are not in a condition by their own strengths to overcome the country's technical and economic backwardness, that "backward" Russia can not stand up in front of "progressive" Europe.
Unmasking the Trotskyite-Bukharinist band of enemies of the people, Comrade Stalin said that this was "a small group of spies, murderers and wreckers, groveling before foreign countries, penetrated with cringing feelings of servility before every foreign bureaucrat and willing to work in their intelligence service - a small group of people, not understanding that the least Soviet citizen, free from the chains of capital, stands a head taller than any high-ranking foreign bureaucrat, dragging a yoke of capitalist slavery on the shoulders." ("Questions on Leninism" p. 590).
In the struggle against all enemies of the socialist Motherland -- against Trotskyites, Bukharinists, and bourgeois nationalists - Lenin and Stalin pointed out that the proletariat, defending the socialist Fatherland, does not and cannot have any contradiction or divergence between its devoted service to the socialist Motherland and its international tasks.
Soviet patriotism is inseparable from proletarian internationalism, organically connected with it. It organically unites with itself national traditions of the peoples with the vital interests of all the workers of the USSR. In the strength of its socialist character, Soviet patriotism repudiates any preaching of national or racial exclusiveness; any racial or national prejudice is alien to it. Soviet patriotism is the complete opposite of bourgeois pseudo-patriotism which from start to finish is permeated with the spirit of nationalism and chauvinism, alien to the popular masses.
As Lenin pointed out, "internationalism does not mean anti-nationalism" (Works, 4th ed., vol. 21, p. 245). This observation of Lenin is of fundamental significance, because he is talking about the fact that proletarian internationalism does not have anything in common with bourgeois cosmopolitanism, today being the banner of ideological reaction.
"If, at heart, internationalism is respect for other peoples, it is impossible to be an internationalist without respect or love for one's own people" (A.A. Zhdanov).
With its preaching of indifference to the destiny and interests of its people and Fatherland, by its mockery of authentically patriotic feelings of peoples, bourgeois cosmopolitanism is only able to cultivate contemptible betrayers of the Motherland.
Throughout the entire history of socialist construction in the USSR the Bolshevik party led and leads the most resolute fundamental struggle with all antipatriotic displays, with all enemies of the Soviet people, of Soviet culture.
The struggle of the party against the enemies of Leninism always was a profoundly patriotic struggle for the socialist road of development of our nation, for its freedom and independence, for the victory of socialism. In this struggle the party fostered in the Soviet people an invincible faith in its creative strength, developed and cultivated its sense of Soviet patriotism, its awareness of its national dignity and superiority over people of the bourgeois world.
The party unmasked the antipatriotic, bourgeois-cosmopolitan essence of servility before the capitalist West. It revealed that this cringing before foreign countries inevitably leads to national treason and to betrayal of the interests of the Soviet people and the socialist Fatherland. The unmasking of antipatriotic groups of bourgeois cosmopolitans, the struggle against the ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism, is a striking expression of the concern of the Bolshevik Party about the education of the toiling masses of our country in the spirit of life-giving, Soviet patriotism.
The decisions and directions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) regarding ideological questions bring a shattering blow against the development of bourgeois ideology and mobilize the party and all workers on the ideological front for an indefatigable struggle against bourgeois influences, for a struggle to strengthen Bolshevik party-ness, the militant, pugnacious patriotic-Soviet spirit. These decisions and directions of the Central Committee of the ACP(B) have their goal "to strengthen, in such a way, the Party spirit of Soviet science, literature, and art and to raise to a new, higher level all instruments of our socialist culture: the press, propaganda, science, literature, art" (G. Malenkov).
Bourgeois cosmopolitanism is chiefly aimed against patriotism. Therefore the goal of further education, development and cultivation of Soviet patriotism demands a resolute struggle against cosmopolitanism and absolute victory over such disgraceful vestiges of bourgeois ideology as cringing and servility towards the capitalist West.
Soviet patriotism, against which rootless cosmopolitans directed their criminal activity, is a powerful weapon of our Party and of the Soviet people, and is an inexhaustible source of creative forces for Soviet people.
Revealing the sources of the indestructible spiritual strength of Soviet people, of their work and military valor, so strikingly demonstrated in the years of the Great Patriotic War [ie. WW II], Comrade Stalin said:
"The valiant labor of Soviet people in the rear, just like the immortal military feats of our soldiers on the front, have their source in fervent and life-giving Soviet patriotism."
In this exceptionally profound attitude, Comrade Stalin revealed what a truly invaluable, great significance ardent, life-giving Soviet patriotism has in the life of our society, in the life and activity of all Soviet people.
Soviet patriotism, widely expanding in our country as a result of the victory of socialism, nurtured in the Soviet people by the Party of Lenin and Stalin, became a powerful moving force of development of Soviet society.
Soviet patriotism, expressing the devotion of the Soviet people to their socialist Fatherland, is cementing the foundations of the Soviet multinational State, rallying all peoples and nationalities of our country into a united, fraternal family.
Soviet patriotism serves for the people of our country as a powerful ideological booster for unselfish work and heroic acts for the fame of the socialist Fatherland, for the sake of the victory of communism. With the blazing expression of Soviet patriotism is the lofty feeling of Soviet national pride, the awareness of the immeasurable superiority of Soviet society and socialist culture over bourgeois society and its culture.
Soviet patriotism, the feeling of Soviet national dignity, is a dependable ideological barrier which breaks up all attempts of international reaction to inject Soviet people with groveling and servility before the capitalist West.
Soviet patriotism, as the sense of deepening devotion of the popular masses to their fatherland, to the Soviet social and governmental system, is a qualitatively new phenomenon. Soviet patriotism is the most precious fruit of this fundamental revolution in the consciousness of the people, which took place on the basis of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in our country. Soviet patriotism has no equal in all previous history in the strength of its influence on the minds and hearts of people.
The new societal attitudes, originating from the winning of their socialist Fatherland by the working masses of our country also caused a new attitude of the popular masses towards the Motherland and the state. The expression of these new attitudes was Soviet socialist patriotism, forming the most profound and most striking trait of the new spiritual appearance of Soviet people.
"One should recognize," said Comrade V.M. Molotov, that a most important achievement of our revolution is the new spiritual aspect and ideological growth of people, as Soviet patriots."
Soviet patriotism arose, grew stronger and prevailed during the heroic struggle of the Bolshevik party and of the Soviet people for the defense of the socialist Fatherland, for the construction of socialism.
Throughout the entire history of the Soviet state, the Party of the Bolsheviks educated the toiling masses of our country in the spirit of Soviet patriotism.
Already on the eve of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Comrade Stalin, unmasking the Menshevik-Trotskyite "theory" of Russia's total dependence on the capitalist West, said:
"The possibility is not excluded that Russia in particular is a country building a road to socialism... One must cast aside old notions about this, that only Europe is able show us the way" (Works, vol. 3, p. 186-7).
These prophetic words of Comrade Stalin, full of genuine patriotism, inspired steadfast confidence in the line of the Bolshevik Party and hard work, in the ranks of the Bolshevik Party and workers a firm confidence in their own powers, and in the possibility of socialist development of our country.
In 1917, the "Russian people accomplished a gigantic leap forward - vaulting from czarism to the Soviet system" (V.I. Lenin, Works, vol. XXII, p. 185). The overthrow of the rule of the exploiting classes and the establishment of Soviet power meant that the toiling masses of our country gained at last their socialist Fatherland because of the heroic struggle of the Bolshevik party. "On the 7th of November (25th of October old style)," said Lenin, "we openly said that that we are for the defense of the Fatherland, for it is indeed our Fatherland..." (ibid., p. 400). Developing the patriotic idea of the defense of the socialist Fatherland, Lenin pointed out, that in the conditions of the rule of the proletarian dictatorship, this idea acquires a new, socialist content, since, defending the Fatherland, "we are defending socialism, we defend the socialist Fatherland." (ibid, p. 382).
The Party of Lenin and Stalin led the relentless struggle against all enemies of the socialist Fatherland. The Bolshevik party gave a resolute rebuff to the so-called "Left Communists," participants in the counterrevolutionary plot of the Trotskyite-Bukharinists. These enemies of the Party and of the people attempted to give out the Socialist motherland, just recently won by the workers and peasants, to flooding and pillage by troops of foreign interventionists and, taking refuge in false phrases about "revolutionary war" and supposed "international" interests, they proclaimed "In the interests of international revolution we consider it expedient to accept the possibility of losing Soviet power."
"Strange and monstrous," - thus did Lenin call these foul, provocative and treacherous statements of the Bukharinites. Hotly and angrily Lenin unmasked this disgraceful act of betrayal and treason. Sweeping away the anti-Soviet, antipatriotic ravings of "Left Communism," Lenin tore away its deceitful mask of internationalism and showed that the true and authentic internationalism in the conditions of victory in one country consists of every possible defense of the socialist Fatherland. "Exactly in the interests of 'strengthening ties' with international socialism," Lenin wrote, "it is mandatory to defend the socialist Fatherland." (Works, vol. XXII, p. 510).
One of the favorite forms of wrecking and sabotage activity by the Trotsky-Zinoviev band was unrestrained slander on the Soviet people and their socialist achievements and unbridled propagation of servility before the capitalist West. In their antipatriotic frenzy, Trotskyite-Bukharinists smeared mud on the Russian people, calling them a "nation of Oblomovs" [Editor's note: 19th Century writer I. A. Goncharov's character "Oblomov" was noted for apathy, inactivity, and laziness.] Leninism -- the greatest achievement of Russian and world culture, the glory and pride of the Soviet people -- they proclaimed to be a nationally-limited teaching. The toadies crawling before the capitalist West aspired to kill the Soviet people's faith in the victory of socialism and proclaimed that the Soviet people are not in a condition by their own strengths to overcome the country's technical and economic backwardness, that "backward" Russia can not stand up in front of "progressive" Europe.
Unmasking the Trotskyite-Bukharinist band of enemies of the people, Comrade Stalin said that this was "a small group of spies, murderers and wreckers, groveling before foreign countries, penetrated with cringing feelings of servility before every foreign bureaucrat and willing to work in their intelligence service - a small group of people, not understanding that the least Soviet citizen, free from the chains of capital, stands a head taller than any high-ranking foreign bureaucrat, dragging a yoke of capitalist slavery on the shoulders." ("Questions on Leninism" p. 590).
In the struggle against all enemies of the socialist Motherland -- against Trotskyites, Bukharinists, and bourgeois nationalists - Lenin and Stalin pointed out that the proletariat, defending the socialist Fatherland, does not and cannot have any contradiction or divergence between its devoted service to the socialist Motherland and its international tasks.
Soviet patriotism is inseparable from proletarian internationalism, organically connected with it. It organically unites with itself national traditions of the peoples with the vital interests of all the workers of the USSR. In the strength of its socialist character, Soviet patriotism repudiates any preaching of national or racial exclusiveness; any racial or national prejudice is alien to it. Soviet patriotism is the complete opposite of bourgeois pseudo-patriotism which from start to finish is permeated with the spirit of nationalism and chauvinism, alien to the popular masses.
As Lenin pointed out, "internationalism does not mean anti-nationalism" (Works, 4th ed., vol. 21, p. 245). This observation of Lenin is of fundamental significance, because he is talking about the fact that proletarian internationalism does not have anything in common with bourgeois cosmopolitanism, today being the banner of ideological reaction.
"If, at heart, internationalism is respect for other peoples, it is impossible to be an internationalist without respect or love for one's own people" (A.A. Zhdanov).
With its preaching of indifference to the destiny and interests of its people and Fatherland, by its mockery of authentically patriotic feelings of peoples, bourgeois cosmopolitanism is only able to cultivate contemptible betrayers of the Motherland.
Throughout the entire history of socialist construction in the USSR the Bolshevik party led and leads the most resolute fundamental struggle with all antipatriotic displays, with all enemies of the Soviet people, of Soviet culture.
The struggle of the party against the enemies of Leninism always was a profoundly patriotic struggle for the socialist road of development of our nation, for its freedom and independence, for the victory of socialism. In this struggle the party fostered in the Soviet people an invincible faith in its creative strength, developed and cultivated its sense of Soviet patriotism, its awareness of its national dignity and superiority over people of the bourgeois world.
The party unmasked the antipatriotic, bourgeois-cosmopolitan essence of servility before the capitalist West. It revealed that this cringing before foreign countries inevitably leads to national treason and to betrayal of the interests of the Soviet people and the socialist Fatherland. The unmasking of antipatriotic groups of bourgeois cosmopolitans, the struggle against the ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism, is a striking expression of the concern of the Bolshevik Party about the education of the toiling masses of our country in the spirit of life-giving, Soviet patriotism.
The decisions and directions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) regarding ideological questions bring a shattering blow against the development of bourgeois ideology and mobilize the party and all workers on the ideological front for an indefatigable struggle against bourgeois influences, for a struggle to strengthen Bolshevik party-ness, the militant, pugnacious patriotic-Soviet spirit. These decisions and directions of the Central Committee of the ACP(B) have their goal "to strengthen, in such a way, the Party spirit of Soviet science, literature, and art and to raise to a new, higher level all instruments of our socialist culture: the press, propaganda, science, literature, art" (G. Malenkov).